The Quebec Charter of Values, otherwise known as the controversial Bill 60, is a peculiarly Catholic document. The irony ought not be lost on anyone. The document is essentially a lengthy reflection, in the form of a piece of proposed legislation, on the nature of secularism. It holds up as an ideal the separation of 'religion' and 'state', but ends up perpetuating a very Catholic notion of secularity. The long arm of the Catholic Church, it seems, still exerts its influence long after the Quiet Revolution. The evidence is there for everyone to see in Chapter 1, Section 1, in which the state's secularity is affirmed except in instances related to Quebec 'cultural heritage that testify to its history'. But that is only a superficial matter. The influence of Catholicism runs much deeper.
The idea of religious beliefs propagated in the contemporary media is of truth claims that can be easily disproved by the methods of natural science. Evangelical creationism falls into this category, as does a general disbelief in miraculous occurrences. Other examples of this way of characterizing religion can easily be found. But this is to misrepresent broad sweeps of religious belief and practice. The idiom that religious beliefs, in particular the 'ethical monotheisms' Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, more naturally make their home is that of political theory, of law and contract, of judgment and negotiation. The practical expression of what are sometimes undoubtedly abstruse metaphysical claims respecting God are found in relations between persons. Hence sacred texts stipulate morality, lay out a general order for relations between rulers and subjects, and advocate for the materially disadvantaged.
Different religious traditions nonetheless are constituted by different emphases. In the Western world, for example, there are very generally speaking two forms of atheism: Protestant atheism and Catholic atheism. These engender two very different responses to religion. The basic difference comes down to how authority is understood to be mediated to individual, whether in the form of a text (like the Bible) or in the form of a person (like a priest or bishop). On the whole, Protestantism tends to be more textually-oriented, whereas Catholicism has a much more clerical focus. Hence, when persons with a Protestant background embrace atheism, it tends to be an atheism of a more cerebral sort, which hones in on the 'irrationalities' of religious belief. While, when persons with a Catholic background reject the faith, their rejection tends to assume an anti-clerical form.
The same sort of logic applies to how one understands secularism. Protestant secularism tends to be more abstract, to concern itself with how a person thinks, rather than with how a person appears. As long as a person's outlook regarding the public sphere lines up with the rest of us secularly-minded folk, they can think what they want (within reasonable limits) and wear what they want (at the risk of drawing stares). On the other hand, Catholic secularism assumes the aforementioned anti-clerical form and fixates on the manifestation of authority. The differences between Catholic and Protestant secularism, of course, are not hard and fast. But I find the difference of priorities between Francophone and Anglophone communities too uncanny to pass by without comment.
The sorts of things being proposed in the Charter should now come into clearer focus.
The main task of the Charter is to legislate how the representatives of the sovereign authority shall manifest its secular nature. It identifies both the covering of the human face and the overt display of religious symbols as fundamentally contrary to state secularism. Persons in the employ of the provincial government, who are the visible manifestations of its authority, are instructed to remove any offending garment or decoration in the prosecution of their duties.
Notably, I think, the Charter does not bother to define what secularism is, nor what religion is, nor what the religious neutrality of a secular state is. The only concrete statements it makes regards how the employees of the provincial government ought to appear while the dispense with their duties. The rest is simply assumed.
So Catholicism continues to leave its negative impress on Quebec politics. Proof is found in Anglophone exasperation over what is perceived to be the unfair targeting of Muslim women under the thin veil of disinterested secular state. Anglophones cannot understand why what a person wears matters as much as it does, nor why it commands as much support as it seems to have among Francophones. Whereas persons like Premier Pauline Marois and Minister Bernard Drainville seem genuinely perplexed why anyone would oppose the idea of a employees of the provincial government conforming to some basic secular standard of dress.